Securitising Britain’s Future: A free market solution to university funding


When the Coalition Government increased tuition fees from £3,300 to £9,000 a year, it had done so to provide a sustainable alternative that would boost university’s incomes and cut government spending. But there are reasons to believe this has failed. The Guardian reported that the new funding system is likely to cost the government not less, but more money than the system it replaced. It is time to reevaluate university funding, and I propose the following alternative: a system under which students would agree to ‘sell’ a percentage of their future income to their university in exchange for an education.

Under the current system moral hazard occurs since the universities need not worry about its students’ ability to repay their loans. Instead, the government will bear the costs if students default. This is a problem in desperate need of addressing especially considering that an estimated 73% of graduates will not be able to fully repay their loans.

Under the proposed system in which universities own the income rights to students’ future earnings, the incentive structure would be changed as to align the interests of students, universities and society alike. Universities will factor in how much their education will benefit their students in terms of their future earnings. This allows relative prices to convey how much certain professions are, in fact, valued by society. The university would encourage more students to take up careers that are more valued and it could charge less (in terms of percentage points) for the degrees with better prospects than those with worse.

By contrast, universities today charge uniform rates and have an incentive to provide the most appealing courses – which often mean courses that are enjoyable or easy – rather than being actually useful or valuable. The graduates may therefore lack the skills to be productive members of the workforce, despite accumulating large debts. Universities even have an incentive to admit students it knows will not benefit from the course since it will nonetheless receive government funding.

In turn, universities could sell its future income rights through a process of ‘securitisation’, per course or as a diversified portfolio. This free-market solution provides an equitable opportunity to all, since students’ ability to attend university is not depended upon current wealth but future earnings; thus depended upon skill and merit, not money. This system would streamline all stakeholders’ interests and ‘securitise’ Britain’s free and prosperous future.

Tamay is the runner-up in the 18-21 category of the ASI’s ‘Young Writer on Liberty’ competition. 

Devolution and Super-Councils

As Scotland looks set to receive an ‘unprecedented’ collection of powers from Westminster, it is time too for the English regions to benefit from devolution. The lack of what Hayek would call ‘perfect information’ is a weakness intrinsic to a centralised states – surely local councils have a greater understanding of problems that face their local areas than Whitehall? As one of the most centralised states in the world, the UK is ripe for devolution in a variety of policy areas.

One such example is taxation. Rather than simply being bankrolled by central government, local authorities should be able to raise their own revenue. This would encourage greater fiscal responsibility from councils, as they would have to justify spending to their electorate, discouraging the waste that has been all too characteristic of local government.

Another possible area of devolution is healthcare: councils should be free to innovate in response to local problems. The savings that this would result in would contribute to the £22 billion of efficiencies in the NHS that Simon Stevens, the Chief Executive of NHS England, has highlighted as necessary by 2020-21. Furthermore, patient satisfaction will improve: the Institute of Economic Affairs has pointed to Switzerland’s decentralised healthcare system, which provides a responsive service with high life expectancy and patient approval ratings.

Having greater powers would also give councils more clout when they bid for major infrastructure projects. London has reaped the fruits of much central government support, with the Greater London Authority securing £4.7 billion from the Department of Transport to fund Crossrail. If all councils had the same bidding powers, government spending would more effectively match the infrastructure needs of the local area – instead of grandiose projects such as HS2, more Crossrails could be built, creating the ‘Northern Powerhouse’ that George Osborne strives for.

How will this devolution create a freer UK? Firstly, councils being forced to raise their own money deters excessive spending, lest councillors be punished by the local electorate who are paying for it. Secondly, healthcare efficiencies mean a smaller burden on the taxpayer to pay for the NHS, while the patient will likely be more satisfied with a service suited for local needs. Finally, this devolution will result in more focussed, efficient infrastructure spending. In short, ‘super-councils’ can reduce the burden on the taxpayer, and create the conditions for a flourishing free market.

Alan Petri is runner-up in the Under-18 category of the ASI’s ‘Young Writer on Liberty’ competition 2015.

Against reform of the House of Lords

This probably won’t be all that popular among those who insist that democracy is the be all and end all of a political system. But we think that the current proposals to reform the House of Lords are a bad idea:

Rogue peers should be subject to immediate suspension from the House of Lords when scandals break, a senior Labour peer has said.

Lord Soley, a former chairman of the Parliamentary Labour Party, made the call in a letter to Lord Speaker Baroness D’Souza in the wake of the allegations against Lord Sewel.

Well, no. we don’t kick an MP out of the House of Commons because a scandal has broken. They do have to leave if they are found guilty of a criminal offence and are then sentenced to more than a minimum amount of jail time. And then there’s this:

Peers should be forced to retire when they reach old age to ensure the House of Lords remains “fit for purpose”, the Lord Speaker has suggested as she ordered a review into the code of conduct.
Writing in The Daily Telegraph, Baroness D’Souza warns reform is “vitally necessary” if the body wants to retain public support in the wake of the Lord Sewel scandal.

Again, no, we are not persuaded.

It’s entirely possible to have a very different conversation about whether there should be a House of Lords at all, we should have a unicameral system, one with an elected second house, one selected by sortition, any number of variables. But the real point of a second house at all is to have one that acts as a limit upon the enthusiasms of the mob that directly elected politicians are subject to. And for that limiting to be effective there must be no way to remove those not convicted of some criminal offence of some specific level of gravity. For, given how many things are illegal these days there’s absolutely no one who cannot be accused of breaking some law or another. And wouldn’t it be remarkable if it were those who were being particularly bloody minded about opposing the executive of the day who were so accused?

After all, at least part of this outrage about Sewel was that he was doing something entirely legal: consorting with ladies of negotiable affection. Something that really is entirely legal in this land, however much it might not be to your or our taste.

Being able to throw peers out because they were a bit doddery, or because a newspaper disapproved of their activities, would greatly weaken the House’s ability to be independent of the whims of the passing society. And given that that’s what they’re there for, to limit the impact of passing fads, we oppose such a change.

Young Writer on Liberty 2015 Winners

We’re delighted to announce the winners of our 2015 Young Writer on Liberty competition, and will be showcasing some of their work in the coming days.

The theme of this year’s competition was ‘The road not yet travelled: Three paths the next government should take for a freer United Kingdom’. Entrants wrote three, 400-word articles on this theme, each outlining a policy proposal to make the United Kingdom richer, freer and more prosperous.

We received dozens of entries and competition was fierce with incredibly high standards. This year for the first time, entries were spilt into ‘Under-18′ and ’18-21′ categories, with a winner and a runner-up in each.

The runner-up of the Under-18 category is Alan Petri, and the winner of the Under-18s is Theo Cox Dodgson. The runner-up of the 18-21 category is Tamay Besiroglu, and the category winner Theo Clifford.

Runners-up will have one of their entries showcased on the ASI blog tomorrow, and category winners will have all three of their pieces posted over the week.

Category winners will also receive £150 prize money, whilst both winners and runners-up will receive boxes filled with liberty-related books.

Check-in next week to read the entries!


What a pity Professor Krugman doesn’t explore this logic completely

We have long been making the point that there’s two aspects to Paul Krugman. The outstanding economist and excellent essay writer, then there’s the New York Times columnist rather in the tank for one specific political view of the world. that second world being where government tells people how to live their lives better. But there’s still flashes of the underlying economist around:

Politicians who preside over economic booms often develop delusions of competence. You can see this domestically: Jeb Bush imagines that he knows the secrets of economic growth because he happened to be governor when Florida was experiencing a giant housing bubble, and he had the good luck to leave office just before it burst. We’ve seen it in many countries: I still remember the omniscience and omnipotence ascribed to Japanese bureaucrats in the 1980s, before the long stagnation set in.

We see this in the development economics of Ha Joon Chang and others too. S Korea grew so therefore the policies that we like that they followed must be implemented elsewhere so they can have growth. Our point is that the reality is rather different:

This is the context in which you need to understand the strange goings-on in China’s stock market. In and of itself, the price of Chinese equities shouldn’t matter all that much. But the authorities have chosen to put their credibility on the line by trying to control that market — and are in the process of demonstrating that, China’s remarkable success over the past 25 years notwithstanding, the nation’s rulers have no idea what they’re doing.

We tend to think that no government ever knows what it is doing. This is partly Hayek, pointing out that it can never have enough information to plan things, partly our own observations of how governance actually works in detail. We know lots of the people who do actually run the government. Some of them are even very nice people but we’d not describe any of them as the Wise Solons who know the answer to every, or even any, of the nation’s problems.

So what have we just learned? China’s incredible growth wasn’t a mirage, and its economy remains a productive powerhouse. The problems of transition to lower growth are obviously major, but we’ve known that for a while. The big news here isn’t about the Chinese economy; it’s about China’s leaders. Forget everything you’ve heard about their brilliance and foresightedness. Judging by their current flailing, they have no clue what they’re doing.

China’s stunning growth since 1978 is not an illusion. The country has gone from being roughly as rich as England in 1600 (as measured by per capita GDP) to about the UK in 1953, 1955 or so. That’s pretty good for simply stopping the adherence to Marxist and Maoist idiocies. But that’s what it was: the rulers stopped following idiot policies.

And thus why we are minarchists. There are indeed some things that both must be done and must be done by government. But given the paucity of knowledge, of competence, among those who would govern that’s all that government should attempt to do. The only further ambition they should have is to not do stupid things. Which, given those who become the governors, means nothing over what must and can only be done by government.