Let's explain again why rent controls are a bad idea

In many ways, the frequent calls from politicians to implement rent controls are remarkable; insofar as, despite their repeated failure to solve the rental crisis, they are still being consistently proposed as the solution. In Scotland, where temporary rent controls have predictably driven down the availability of private properties by 20% and raised rents on new tenancies by 14%, the SNP have doubled down on their failure and is seeking to ban rent increases for up to five years. 

When rent controls have been tried elsewhere the results have been identical. Take Berlin, where the 2020 rent caps which fixed rents at below market rates were accompanied by decreases in supply five times as large as reductions in prices. Equally in Stockholm rent controls have resulted in a shortfall of 27,000 apartments. As a result the average queue for a rental apartment in the capital is 11.3 years

Unfortunately Sadiq Khan's most recent proposal for solving the housing crisis is likely to be just as much a failure in London as it has been everywhere else. His plan is to deliver 6,000 new homes in which rents would be capped at a third of local salaries. He has also urged the government to delegate him the power to freeze rents across the capital. If granted this would cause serious issues for an already troubled housing market. 

Considering that policymakers are continuing to tout rent controls as the answer to our housing crisis, it’s worth once again explaining why they inevitably hurt the very tenants that they are meant to support.

The answer  lies with one of the key insights of economics, incentives matter. Changing the incentives presented to the seller of a good will have an impact on the buyer and vise-versa. Rent controls have significant negative impacts on the incentives of landlords to operate in the rental market, and therefore generate adverse consequences for tenants

The impacts on sellers in the housing market are two-fold. Firstly, capping prices will weaken the incentive to rent out, encouraging landlords to sell properties and invest in other more profitable asset classes such as stocks or bonds. YouGov polling has shown 37 per cent of landlords would reduce the number of properties they let if an external agency like a council was given authority to set rents both during and between tenancies. Properties from this sell off tend to be sold to new those intending to live in the properties as unlike landlords they are unaffected by the rent caps. This will inevitably create shortages in the rental market, as demonstrated by decline in rental properties available following the rent cap policy in Scotland. 

Secondly, it reduces the incentive to invest into the production of new housing. Developers and landlords know that their properties will be struck by rent controls, which will prevent them from generating adequate revenue to justify investment in new development. This will limit growth in the supply of housing, in the long run worsening the housing shortage. 

There have been various examples of this effect, in 2023 Get Living paused its £200 million plan to build 1500 new homes due to the Scottish Government's rent control policy. As the Scottish LandLords association stated, “The rent control proposals, as has been seen in places like Ireland which has similar measures, will see reduced investment and more landlords leaving the sector, leading to higher costs for tenants.”

These combined effects mean that rent controls, aimed at keeping rents low for tenants will only result in a reduction in the supply of housing, creating housing shortages and preventing development. 

The Greater London Authority's target for affordable housing starts by 2026 is between 23,900 and 27,100 per year, but by February only 4% have been started - just 874 new houses. As for the £4.8 billion "Building Council Homes for Londoners" program, council house building starts since last May has been precisely zero. 

Without allowing for greater development significant increases in rents are inevitable, rent controls do not offer a genuine solution to this challenge. Unsurprisingly the solution to the London housing crisis is less- not more government- regulation. Deregulating planning leading to greater investment into property development would expand the supply of housing, reducing rent prices without creating property shortages.

Seems perfectly reasonable politics to us

Tobacco firms are lobbying MPs and peers in an effort to derail Rishi Sunak’s flagship policy to phase out smoking, the head of Britain’s biggest cancer charity has said.

A change in the law is suggested. Those both in favour of that new law, those not so, then talk to politicians to suggest why a yes or no vote should be suggested.

That is how politics works in a democracy, no? The Peeps - all The Peeps, whether as individuals or groups - get to have their say?

Mitchell told the Guardian that the “world-leading” legislation was “the most important public health policy shift I can remember” and could “see the blight of tobacco removed” from society for ever.

Smoking is the single biggest cause of cancer in the UK and worldwide and causes at least 15 different types of the disease, she said. But the proposals to bring in a smoking ban for the next generation were being privately undermined by tobacco companies.

“We know the tobacco industry is working quite hard to dilute the bill,” Mitchell said. “MPs and peers have briefed us that members of the tobacco industry are seeking to make arguments [against] and amendments to the bill as it goes through the passage of parliament.”

What isn’t democratic about this?

Are we supposed, instead, to have a system where the Prime Minister says so and then it happens? Without discussion, reference to those affected?

Well, yes, that is the line being put forward here. That opposition to the declaration by the technocracy is in itself evil. Which does, as we say, seem to be missing the point about that democracy and the consultation of the people part.

As it happens we think the combined rules - about smoking itself and then also about that substitute, vaping - being suggested are so insanely stupid as to be verging upon evil. It’s entirely obvious - to us at least - that the black market will expand, tobacco will become cheaper in real terms and this will increase the smoking rate. As has happened in Australia.

But this idea that no one should be allowed to have a word with politicians about how stupid this is - that actually is evil.

A problem with having a truly democratic economy

We are, of course, entirely fine with that form of democracy where it’s everyone particularly interested in something who gets to decide upon the matter t6hrough their production, consumption and so on. You know, the market?

There are those who instead insist upon what they call a properly democratic economy. One where all vote on something and therefore we gain what is voted upon - we’re all subject to that tyranny of the majority in everything. Plus, of course, if everything is decided by democratic politics then everything will be intermediated by politicians:

The former top Democrat on the House Science Committee’s space subcommittee

Ranking members on a House committee do have a certain amount of power in their field. Budgets are built upwards in the American system, from the relevant House committee and up.

“You’ve heard the word ‘full moon.’ Sometimes you need to take the opportunity just to come out and see a full moon is that complete rounded circle, which is made up mostly of gases,”….“And that’s why the question is why or how could we as humans live on the moon? Are the gases such that we could do that?” the congresswoman said.

We might have mentioned before that we’re fully supportive of democracy itself - some issues simply have to be handled that way. But as we’ve also mentioned before majoritarian democracy is as with government. Vast areas of life work markedly better without it, we need to reserve it for when it’s really needed.

Some laws really do amuse

We’ve mentioned this before around here:

Google has temporarily blocked links from local news outlets in California from appearing in search results in response to the advancement of a bill that would require tech companies to pay publications for links that articles share. The change applies only to some people using Google in California, though it is not clear how many.

The California Journalism Preservation Act (CJPA) would require large online platforms to pay a “journalism usage fee” for linking to news sites based in the Golden state. The bill cleared the California assembly in 2023. To become law, it would need to pass in the Senate before being signed by the governor, Gavin Newsom.

As has happened in Spain, Australia, Canada and so on when such laws have been proposed. Of course, the Californian insistence is that this time will be different.

There’s a dual contention here.

Firstly, Google (and Facebook etc) profit from, perhaps even steal, the work of journalists and newspapers by presenting them in search and social media. This reduces the revenue to the newspapers and woes is us.

Secondly, the traffic generated by being in search results and social media is a vital source of income for journalism and newspapers.

Which is what leads to the conclusion that Google (and Facebook etc) must pay for the news being stolen, but must also continue to run the news they’re stealing.

Only politics could possibly advance such absurd logic. Which is one reason for - a very good example of -why we continually insist that politics really isn’t a good way to run the world.

This is going to work well, isn't it?

The bill would empower the Federal Trade Commission (which would also get $1bn in additional funding) and state attorneys general to stop companies from charging “grossly excessive” prices, regardless of where alleged price gouging took place in a supply chain.

Of course, it’s Robert Reich so it’s clearly going to be bad economics. The suggestion is that the bureaucracy will tell everyone what prices should be. Which is not, not really, a course of action which has a great track record.

The Soviet Union told everyone what all prices need to be all the time- that didn’t work. Venezuela told everyone what toilet paper prices should be - toilet paper immediately disappeared from Venezuela. True, civilisation existed before toilet paper, civilisation can survive the loss of toilet paper but we’re really very sure that giving bureaucrats the power to determine fair toilet paper prices is not worth the disappearance of toilet paper.

As this is America under discussion it will also get worse. That top layer - some 3,000 people - of the bureaucracy is politically appointed, replaced with each turn of the Presidential administration. Thus in the political campaigns in the run up to any election there will be a certain pressure on those running the bureaucracy to fix prices in only that one, voter pleasing, direction. You know, job preservation? Well, voter pleasing in that short term sense of reducing the price now at the cost or reducing availability a little further out - after the election say.

That 20th century was - among other things - a grand economic experiment. Price fixing by bureaucrats was the system that didn’t work. We really have been there, done that, perhaps we should obey The Science and not do that again?

A musing - no, not amusing - on the Welfare State

The IMF says we need to cut - harshly - the levels of benefits:

Britain and other rich nations have been urged by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to cut benefits and taxes to tackle the worklessness crisis.

Mel Stride vowed to “do whatever it takes to get Britain working” as the IMF said men in particular would be encouraged to find jobs if countries lowered taxes and benefits. More training and childcare support would help more women into work, the organisation said.

The IMF research, which was based on analysis of 38 OECD industrialised economies, including the UK, US and Germany, recommended that higher pension ages would also keep people in work for longer.

The comments are likely to fuel the debate among Conservative MPs over the benefits reforms needed to boost work.

Which leads to the musing.

The current definition of poverty is less than 60% of median household income, adjusted for household size, usually measured after housing costs. It’s also said that “low wages” are those that are less than 60% of median wages. The minimum wage has been pushed up over that 60% level.

Well, OK. It would be harsh to insist that those unable to work should be in poverty, that those working also be in poverty.

And yet we have this problem identified by the IMF - a large portion, too large they say - not working because work’s not worth it. Therefore cut the taxes upon work - at least at the low end - and also cut the benefits from not working. So as to open up the gap between the incomes gained by not working and those gained by working.

But there’s a very strong implication here. Which is that 60% is too high a portion of median income to gain by not working. For, if that can be gained by not working then some to many will make that choice. That is, at the very least, implicit in the IMF’s advice.

The musing at the end of this being, well, perhaps it’s just not possible to have the welfare system raising all up to 60% of median household income and also maintaining the incentives to go to work. Perhaps all that free time to do other than work actually is worth 40% of median income?

Perhaps we need to adopt a lower poverty measure in order to make the system as a whole balance?

It is a musing but one, we think, that does have to be mused through.

The Theory of Moral Sentiments & Adam Smith's View of Morality

Many people are familiar with Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations (WoN), But Smith’s ethical thinking was just as important. In fact, it was The Theory of Moral Sentiments (TMS), published 27 years earlier, on 12 April 1759, that made him famous.

Just The Wealth of Nations, this book marked a complete break from the thinking of the time. Ethics had until then been widely assumed to be based on God’s will (or the clerics’ interpretation of it); or something that could be deduced through abstract reason; or even something that could be felt through some ‘moral sense’ like touch or vision. 

Replacing this speculative thinking by scientific method, Smith argued instead that morality stemmed from our human nature as social beings, and our natural empathy for others. By observing ourselves and others, he said, we could discover the principles of ethical behaviour. Ethics was a matter of human psychology, stemming from how we form judgements about ourselves and others, and the influence of customs, norms and culture upon it.

This scientific approach to ethics was a sensation. It was very much in line with the Scottish Enlightenment, which sought to apply observation and scientific method to the study of human affairs. Old hierarchies were breaking down; industrialisation was eclipsing Scotland’s feudal past; radical thinkers like Francis Hutcheson and David Hume were pushing new boundaries, and religious pluralism was creating a more active debate on virtue and morality.

Smith’s book explained that morality is rooted deeply in human psychology, especially the empathy we have for our fellow humans. By our nature, we understand, and even share the feelings of others. Wanting others to like us, we strive to act such that they do. Even if there is no one else around to see how we behave, we are still impelled to act honestly, says Smith, as if an ‘impartial spectator’ is judging us all the time, setting the standard by which we rate ourselves and others. And under this imaginary eye, every choice we make helps us appreciate that standard more clearly and act more consistently in accordance with it. It is as if an invisible hand is drawing us to act in ways that promote social harmony.

TMS is mainly a descriptive account of human moral action. It examines how people actually make moral choices, and the pressures on them to do so. It also provides a guide on how we can cultivate our morality, emphasising the importance of self-reflection and self-improvement. 

Smith’s radical scientific approach in TMS and WoN provided a foundation for the subsequent development of psychology, sociology, and economics, establishing them as distinct subjects of academic enquiry. And its suggestion that self-interested actions—wanting to be liked by others, or exchanging things we value less for others’ things we value more—could produce a cooperative social and economic order, continues to have a central place in liberal thinking.


All this makes the themes in The Theory of Moral Sentiments just as relevant today as they were in 1759. Through self-reflection, we can make better moral choices. Through our empathy with others, we can foster understanding and create a more peaceful society. Through an appreciation of our shared feelings and interests, we can live and work and collaborate together for the mutual benefit of the whole of humanity.

Closing a tax gap isn't all that simple

That tax due should be collected is obvious. So the aim seems fair enough. We do, however, think it’s more difficult than many are saying, for as HMRC says:

failure to take reasonable care (30%), error (15%), evasion (13%), legal interpretation (12%) criminal attacks (11%) and non-payment (9%) are among the main behavioural reasons for the tax gap

Non-payment is largely people going bust before making payment. Legal interpretation is people suggesting that perhaps the law isn’t as tightly written as some would think. And so on - there’s no magic bullet here.

But there are also those suggesting it is all too easy, like Margaret Hodge (or, as we like to point out, Dame Margaret, Lady Hodge):

Furthermore, the tax gap does not start to take account of the billions lost each year when global companies such as Google, Facebook and Microsoft avoid tax by creating financial structures that have no other purpose than to avoid paying tax.

That isn’t a gap, that’s just the way corporation tax works internationally. As HMRC have pointed out repeatedly. Profits of American companies are righteously taxed in the US - and since the Trump tax reforms, they are, even if held offshore - in exactly the same way that profits of UK companies - say, those of Vodafone - are taxed in the UK even if earned in other jurisdictions and then brought into the UK. Like, say, profits earned on a German business and then parked in Luxembourg before being brought back into the UK. Just the way that whole system works.

Or this:

We also know that £36bn is a very conservative estimate of the gap between what the exchequer does collect and what is due – what is known as the tax gap. For instance, many wealthy individuals hide their assets in secret trusts they set up overseas in British tax havens – and they pay no tax on that hidden wealth.

Osborne set up a deal with Switzerland, whereby they would comb through every bank account in that country to check that all who should be declaring for UK tax were. The results were less than either stellar or remunerative. The vast, vast, majority of such Swiss accounts were held by Brits who were non-resident in Britain - and therefore did not need to pay tax upon any foreign earnings like from an account in Switzerland - or were non-doms in Britain. For whom a foreign account was a necessary part of that non-dom tax deal, that they do not pay tax on foreign earnings which remain in foreign.

Actual investigation of such claims of vast pots sitting offshore untaxed turn out to be not wholly grounded in reality that is.

We are also reminded of the Liechetenstein Disclosure Facility. If there was some trust, sitting undisclosed, in that secretive jurisdiction then you could declare it, pay the necessary tax and no more would be said. Now, we do not insist that this is absolutely true but the only person we know of who publicly made use of this facility was Dame Margaret, Lady Hodge. There was absolutely no tax due, the arrangements were not made by her originally, no illegality, not even any avoidance and most certainly not anything at all even untoward.

Every attempt to catch these purportedly immense sums running untaxed, wild and free, seems to find very much less of such untaxed pots out in the wild than alleged. Which is as bit of a problem for those who insist that they’ll balance the books through that entirely righteous process of insisting that all should pay the taxes they owe.

Perhaps government isn't the efficient way to do things

From The Guardian:

It had already been stressful, and then the government said my son didn’t exist. After an initial administrative fiasco, we were all set to claim our “free” 15 hours of childcare for our two-year-old as part of the government’s expansion this April. But then another spanner hit the works.

We hadn’t been able to get our code due to a totally foreseeable government error, so, like the thousands of others affected, we’d been issued with a temporary one. But when our actual code was confirmed, meaning we then had two codes, the nursery was told he didn’t exist, and then that we couldn’t use the hours until next term, since our code had been issued in April. It’s as Kafkaesque as it sounds and, though it was eventually sorted out thanks to the brilliant nursery administrator, it’s another example of the confusion and chaos that has afflicted parents since the announcement that the already labyrinthine system would be expanded.

Erm, bureaucratic allocation ends up being complex and bureaucratic. Who would have thought, eh?

Is it possible to suggest a different, better, more efficient system? Musing on it, perhaps. What if everyone just had unconstrained ration vouchers? These could be swapped for, perhaps, this many hours of child care. Or that many hours of after school top up education. Or for food, or housing, or pints down the pub.

This would increase the utility of the voucher holders for they could then swap them for what most boosted their utility within their overall budget constraints. This would eliminate several to many layers of bureaucracy. It would also bring clarity to the overall costs - it’s easy to count the number of vouchers issued after all - of the system as a whole.

And what if we renamed those unconstrained ration vouchers money?

You know, we think there could be the beginnings of a plan there.

To whom? Expensive to whom?

The Resolution Foundation - them again - tells us that the system of Individual Savings Accounts is very expensive:

ISAs are expensive

Expensive to whom?

The starting point of their analysis is the logically - and morally - objectionable idea that all belongs to the government. That Tutto Nello Stato idea that we out here are lucky to be allowed to keep some of our hard earned and that allowing us to do so is a cost to government. This is, of course, incorrect - government is a cost to us out here and it is the impositions of tax itself which is that cost. A reduction in what is taken from us is therefore a saving, not a cost.

Oh, sure, government sometimes buys us pretty things and some parts of government are even worth having - those are the benefits of our having government. But those are the benefits, tax is the cost.

So, us keeping some of our money is a benefit, not a cost.

Any analysis that starts from something so obviously logically wrong - that tax reductions are a cost - is therefore clearly wrong.

We can go further, for of course we can. Investment itself is usually thought of as a pretty good thing. As people like the Resolution Foundation are wont to suggest in fact - we’re really sure we’ve seen reports of theirs bemoaning the low rate of investment in Britain.

That further is that the tax system should go further in encouraging saving and investment - the progressive consumption tax. Not that gains inside an ISA are untaxed, but that income placed into an ISA remains untaxed. Full exemption from income tax (and NI) for sums placed into something like an ISA. All income and gains inside an ISA - which remain inside an ISA - remain untaxed. It is at the point of extraction from the ISA to be spent upon consumption that the money gets taxed - at the full marginal income tax rate at the time of extraction.

Effectively we end up with something akin to a blend of an ISA and a pension. Income, from whatever source, which is then saved is untaxed. Gains within the tax wrapper are untaxed. Extraction from the tax wrapper carries income tax.

There is a logical argument against this. Which is that some to many will utilise such a system to save money. Thereby becoming bourgeois and so not requiring the intervention of the State in their lifestyles. But, you know, we think a bourgeois state where the people are rich enough not to require the State’s intervention in their lifestyles to be a pretty good thing. Even, a Good Thing. Something to be desired and even the system set up so as to produce it.

That is, not just the current system of ISAs alleviated of the impositions of taxation but all saving by all so alleviated. Action This Day etc.