Do we really want Theresa May to decide who speaks at universities?

We already have a burgeoning anti-free speech movement coming organically from politically active students so perhaps it shouldn’t be surprising that Theresa May wants to chip in as well, seeking the power to pick and choose who gets to speak at UK universities.

New powers for the home secretary to order universities to ban extremist speakers from their campuses are to be included in the counter-terrorism bill to be published on Wednesday, Theresa May has announced.

The bill will also place a statutory duty on schools, colleges, prisons and local councils to help prevent people from being drawn into terrorism, the home secretary said.

She said universities would have to show that they have put in place policies to deal with extremist speakers.

“The organisations subject to the duty will have to take into account guidance issued by the home secretary. Where organisations consistently fail, ministers will be able to issue directions to them “which will be enforceable by court orders”, May announced.

Since we already have laws against inciting violence, presumably these laws will not really help crack down on terrorism advocacy which says ‘go and blow people up’; to be useful at all to courts and the government it must have a wider remit. Thus, it seems like more marginal ‘extremist’ figures will be targeted; not just Muslim clerics the government doesn’t like, but perhaps pick up artists deemed to advocate violence against women, or perhaps anti-abortion campaigners (note what the UCSB professor called the poster-holding campaigner).

Practically every political viewpoint of today would have been judged inconceivably radical and/or extremist to almost anyone from 17th Century England. The benefits of free speech come from the free exchange of ideas, a process which often weeds out bad ideas and leaves good ones alive. To guarantee we enjoy their continued benefits we have to stand against even the smallest, least objectionable infringements made—wherever they come from. Even ugly speech must be protected if we are to enjoy these prudential benefits.

Even if free speech ought sometimes to be curtailed in general, to make some areas ‘safe spaces’ for unprivileged groups who would otherwise be made very uncomfortable, it seems like universities are one place where we are best placed to let it run wild—you would think that they are bastions of smart, open-minded free inquiry.

Theresa May surely realises from her struggles with the European Court of Human Rights that laws can have unintended consequences. It is surprising that she seems so unworried about handing future Home Secretaries the right to decide what speech goes on in our universities.

It’s the minimum wage that’s keeping youngsters out of work

From the Independent: 

The young are the new poor

The Independent – Cahal Milmo
A study by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation has warned that young adults and employed people are now more likely than pensioners to be living in poverty in Britain because of the surge in insecure work and zero hours contracts.

The reason for this is the minimum wage, which also explains why we have nearly 1m youngsters out of work entirely.

While the minimum wage for young people does not seem high – £5.13 an hour for 18-20-year-olds, and £3.79 for under-18s – the fact is that many young people do not provide that much value to an employer. Indeed, when National Insurance and other costs are added, the value of an unskilled young person is often negative. Young people have to learn the habits of work, turning up on time each day, the skills needed in the job, and ‘soft’ skills such as how to get along in a team with colleagues, how to deal with customers, how to react when things go wrong, and so on. It may take many years of training and job experience to lean these skills.

That is why for centuries we have had apprenticeships in which young people earn very little but learn a trade. But minimum wages – plus the heavy burden of workplace regulation which makes it very difficult to let someone go once they have been hired, however inappropriate they turn out to be – make employers more reluctant to take on people with few or no skills and experience.

The result is that minimum wages hurt those they are supposed to help. Employers do not take on young people, or those without skills, or those nearing retirement, or people with poor social or language skills, or ex-prisoners, or people with mental health issues, because their business cannot carry the cost of giving them the support and training they need to become more productive than the cost of employing them.

Welcome Sophie and Nick!

Sophie Sandor and Nick Partington are joining the ASI as gap-year employees for six months. We asked them to write this post to introduce themselves to our readers.

Sophie:

As I almost enter my third week with the Adam Smith Institute, I welcome myself as one of two new gap year students evolving in a world-leading think tank. And how thrilling it is to be here; immersed in the works of my favourite thinkers and a family of ambitious, intelligent minds. It really is the dream.

Crafting ideas that have changed our world before and will change it again. And if you love a challenge – even greater is the fun for the views we advocate are not the most popular or acceptable. Like our relationship with what we consume: we are not always attracted to the healthiest options. We are a consistent rebellion against common thought.

In my time so far I’ve witnessed eager 6th form students gather for our annual Independent Seminar on the Open Society, celebrated the 25th Anniversary of the Fall of the Berlin Wall with former European leaders and met and worked with a plethora of inspiring, hard-working individuals. I could not be more excited for my imminent future here and look forward to writing more about my educational and economy ideas.

Nick:

Having finished my A Levels in History, Politics, and Economics, not excited by the prospect of ‘finding myself’ while pretending to help build an orphanage in Mongolia, I decided to eschew ‘gap yah’ clichés and apply for the Adam Smith Institute’s gap year internship programme. Few places are as keen to engage with pre-undergraduate students as the ASI, and I am delighted to have been selected.

Being sceptical of what Jeremy Bentham called the “rhetorical nonsense” of natural rights theory, I admire places like the ASI which provide compelling justifications for a wide-ranging liberal programme quite apart from the vague philosophical assertions so often invoked by others. More than anything, I admire the ASI for so often saying the unpopular thing and holding the counterintuitive line against public opinion on so many issues. There are few institutions with the status of the ASI which approach consensus with such irreverence.

At the same time, the ASI makes prominent what I see as another powerful justification for free markets and the minimal state. For me, that classically liberal social and economic policy benefits those worst off in society is extremely important, and too rarely emphasised in circles on the liberal right (with one notable exception being Matt Zwolinski and the other Bleeding Heart Libertarians). Framed in this way, proposals such as freedom of movement across borders, sometimes dismissed by those otherwise passionate about reducing the coercion of the state, become powerful tools for ameliorating suffering in the most deprived areas of the world.

Working with and learning from the ASI’s employees, all of whom do fascinating work on policy, is a rare opportunity. Added to that are the various things which come about from working in Westminster and being able to live in London for the duration of the position. I am looking forward to taking advantage of these while I am here because, perhaps unsurprisingly, there aren’t many Institute for Economic Affairs events on the flat tax in rural Northumberland.

Also, during my time at the ASI, I am hoping to write further about how and when ideas of meritocracy, debates in libertarian political philosophy, and utilitarianism can (and should) affect politics and policy research.

Err, yes Mr. Naughton, this is entirely the point

John Naughton, over in The Observer, is very worried about, err, capitalists being capitalists. Something of a pity really for someone, let alone a journalist, of his richness in maturity should by now have realised that this is the damn point of it all:

The real lesson of the Uber exposé, though, is that it’s time to discard the rose-tinted spectacles with which we have hitherto viewed these Silicon Valley outfits. For too long, they have been allowed to trade fraudulently on the afterglow of the hippie libertarianism that supposedly infected the early days of the personal computer industry. The billionaire geeks who currently run the giant internet companies may look and talk like a new species of entrepreneur but it would be more prudent to view them as John D Rockefellers in hoodies.

And the economic philosophy that’s embedded in this new digital capitalism is neoliberalism red in tooth and claw, which is why they minimise the number of “ordinary” (ie non-geek) workers on their payrolls, outsource everything they can, despise trade unions, view regulators as barriers to “innovation” and are outraged by the temerity of European institutions that seek to curb their freedoms of action.

Yes, exactly. Companies operate to the benefit of their shareholders. They’re also pretty red in tooth and claw when they do so. And if that were all the economy were about then agreed, we consumers might not enjoy the experience all that much. Which is why we do our darndest to make sure that that’s not all there is in the economy. The other magic ingredient we look for is competition. This means that we’ve any number of red in tooth and claw capitalist institutions trying to do the best for their owners and for their owners only. But they can only do this by offering us something that we think is worth it. Their proposition must offer us value: both in the simple sense that no one buys anything at all that they don’t think is worth more than they are paying for it and also in the more detailed sense that competition means that the offering must be better than that of those others.

It’s competition in the market that tempers that profit lust. Just as it’s competition that tempers the inherent inefficiencies and producer capture of formerly monopolistic and non-profit making state services.

On that capitalist side of it this is the very point of the entire system. We want them to be sharp elbowed, nothing but profit seeking, neoliberals. Because only by producing something that we both desire and are willing to pay for can they become those billionaires (geeks or not).

This is not the right time for another pay claim by NHS unions

On Monday, NHS unions plan stoppages ‘short of strike action’. It may not feel like it if your hospital treatment has been cancelled or you are lying in a ward with fewer nurses to look after you.

The stoppages come after strikes back in October failed to move the government to raise its pay offer for NHS staff. A pay review body recommended a 1% increase for all NHS staff, but the government argues that this is unaffordable and unfair. After all, the 3% ‘increment’ rise puts more money into the hands of higher-paid NHS workers than lower-paid ones.And some 55% of NHS staff already get an annual 3% rise: so the government is saying that any extra cash for wages should go to the workers who do not get this. So it is proposing a 1% rise for the others, but not an extra 1% on top of the existing 3% increments.

Extending the 1% rise to all NHS workers, says the government, will cost around £300 million. Some 75% of hospitals’ budgets is staff costs, so the extra cost that the union proposals would impose on them would mean cutbacks in staff – some 4,000 nurses lost this year, and another 10,000 next year. That could leave hospitals unsafe, risking another Mid-Staffordshire disaster.

Many members of the public would say that NHS staff should count themselves lucky. Average pay in the UK grew just 0.1% last year, and many businesses are hanging on by the skin of their teeth. But NHS pay has been rising since 2012. More than 5,000 nurses were recruited last year, and more midwives too. Public sector pay is generally higher than private sector pay for the same job, even before you count the more secure and higher public sector pensions. Lower paid workers, including those in the NHS, have been helped by the rise in the tax threshold to £10,000. Moreover, the £133 billion NHS budget – some 18% of public spending or over £2,000 per man, woman and child – is ring-fenced, so there is no chance of it falling – unlike the fortunes of most high-street businesses.

And if you want to know how bad things can really get, look at Portugal, which slashed its health budget 17%. Our public finances are not quite in that much of a mess, but things are still tight. The UK has economic growth of 3% but it is still fragile, and there are lots of things that could still spell disaster – a potential crisis in the eurozone, ebola, tension with Russia, you name it. The British government is 1.45trillion in debt, and adding to that debt by another £100 billion a year, despite creaming off 40% of the national income in taxes.

This just is not the right time for another pay claim. And certainly not for another Winter of Discontent (with images of ambulance crews dropping ‘non-emergency’ cases off in the snow to find their way home). The mind shivers. It is clear the government cannot budge, so why don’t we all go back to work and try to get Britain out of this mess?