Seventeen years on from the political assassination of Margaret
Thatcher, her legacy seems to be an enduring transformation of our
national economic fortunes. Her political courage was the sledgehammer
that was needed to knock Britain out of its pathetic performance as a
manufacturing nation. Seventeen years of media establishment vendetta
however have sought to deny her any of the credit. This travesty of the
truth has been made possible because there is in Britain a widespread
ignorance of our economic history.
Self-delusion and decline
The hard fact is that our relative decline in manufacturing began
right back in the second half of the 19th Century, as soon in other
words, as better adapted societies like Germany and the USA began to
compete with us. It had continued relentlessly ever since. No economic
policies of either political party had ever made a jot of long-term
fundamental difference.
Mrs Thatcher set out to make a real difference, and in a way she did,
although probably not quite the one that she and many of us had hoped
for. It may be difficult for us to learn to love it, but in spite of
its frothy insubstantiality, our new financial, leisure and
entertainment economy has the merit at least of being relatively
successful. This ironically lends it a kind of dignity compared to the
industrial sick joke that was Britain in 1979. Decades of
sentimentality about our manufacturing base was a major reason why it
had failed to match or even copy the wellspring of design and
manufacturing innovations of our competitors. The real cost of
flattering badly educated home-grown middle managers and propping them
up with taxpayers’ money was that they were still in post next year
doing just as badly. The real cost of ‘saving jobs’ was a long slow
economic decline.
The 1980s freed the British to focus on what has always been their
greatest strength, which is trading. London is now more comfortable
than ever in its role as the great global bazaar. But if Mrs Thatcher
had dreamed of revitalising our technological prowess she will have
been disappointed. Dispiritingly, in 2007 as in 1977 you kind of know
that if a consumer appliance is well designed and thoughtfully
innovative, then it almost certainly was not designed in Britain.
The cost of prosperity
It was no small achievement to steer us onto our current economic
path given the drag effect of our sentimental mythology about
ourselves. But perhaps the real cost of having a prosperity like ours
is Celebrity Big Brother and a sad underclass culture in which people
pay ludicrous prices for football merchandising tat even though they
cannot themselves play football and even though their hero is far less
marketable for his skill with a ball than for his brandability. Does
this matter? Is there more inherent quality of life in a German-style
industrial design and manufacturing culture than a British
entertainment, leisure and financial services ‘products’ culture?
Quite possibly, for the whole of Europe, the heyday of manufacturing is
in the past and we are just ahead of the game. On the other hand, as
Robert Pirsig demonstrated in Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance
the mental discipline of engineering can nurture spiritual qualities as
well. In this case the Germans may in the long run, fare better than us
in the new Western, post-industrial zeitgeist.
Still no economic understanding
One reason for Britain’s long manufacturing decline has been the
low status of engineering compared to other professions. Allied to this
is the poor quality of technological and - I would argue - economics
education. Our education system has always been relatively biased
against technology and decades of politically correct educational
theorising have resulted in the virtual abandonment of the intellectual
and the conceptual as a goal of education - except for an elite. Apart
from its one great lesson in economic realism, Thatcherism failed to
rescue our education system. The Blair era has done no better. And so
it is that our more streetwise economy has not been accompanied by any
greater understanding of fundamental economic concepts. We may be
better at shopping than we used to be but the British are an
economically ignorant people.
Does this matter? Yes. Britain’s initial manufacturing advantage has
been let down ever since by our educational culture. Absence of
economics education has had a part in this because the cost / benefit
principle is so fundamental to good design. But the consequences of
that educational failure go much further even than this.
We have in this country a huge media current affairs output. And yet in
our political discourse, even amongst the educated middle class (and
most notably amongst journalists) fundamental economic concepts are
rarely applied or even comprehended. It has long been fashionable to
sneer at economics and many chattering class people wear their
ignorance as a badge of honour. Presumably they imagine that this makes
them seem less calculating and more warm-hearted. On the contrary, an
understanding of the fundamentals of economics underpins an
understanding of almost everything else in life because it deals so
directly with human desires. The oft repeated: All they care about is
money is a profoundly ignorant observation. There can scarcely have
been a single human being in the whole of history that only cared about
money. But how many British people would apprehend economics as being
(as in Robbins’s classic definition) a study of human behaviour - the
interaction of scarcity and desire?
Does this matter? Only in so far as how much more effective would our
public spending be if every time the clamorous phrase more resources
were uttered the economic phrase real or opportunity cost were to pop
up in the consciousness. And how much less would have been squandered
on completely ineffectual ‘health and safety’ measures if a cost/
benefit habit of thought had been instilled during schooling. We might
even have been spared Live 8 if only it had occurred to our Make
Poverty History warriors to apply a cost / benefit analysis to the
history of Third World Aid. If only our huge BBC current affairs army
had shown an interest in the story of South East Asia and just how
irrelevant foreign aid has been to the economic vitality of that
region. And how much more coherent might the philosophical system of
your average weekend anti-capitalist be if they understood how ‘foreign
sweat shops taking our jobs’ might actually be a good thing all round.
If your education spokesperson understood the interaction of scarcity
and desire, how much less likely that they would make the fatuous claim
that GCEs have not been devalued by the fact of everyone now getting
lots of them. And how much less media abuse there would be of the word
genius.
Feelings supplant facts
Take another example: ‘Europe’. All through the 1990s a seemingly
interminable debate raged on and on in the media about ‘Europe’. The
BBC current affairs coverage must have run to many thousands of hours
of talk-talk asking the question Is membership of the European Union
good for the British economy? That discussion could have been so much
better informed if the endless coverage had featured just some of the
relevant macroeconomic statistics (easily available from the OECD etc).
If such a thing ever happened in those ten years and more, well I never
saw any of it and I certainly was looking. How much are we exporting to
the French for example and how much are we importing from them? Or a
nice graphically presented matrix table showing, in detail, payments to
and receipts from Brussels.
I have no doubt that this would have held the viewer’s attention just
as well as following some man-on-the-Clapham-omnibus around on his
rather unremarkable daily routine. Instead we got what BBC journalists
and producers love, which is pointing a microphone at someone and
asking What do YOU think? Do you think Britain is doing better in
Europe? The theory is that this anecdotal approach brings the economics
to life. The truth is that the journalist making the programme is not
remotely interested in the economics in the first place – only in the
drama.
Or another example: ‘Global Warming’. How much better focussed might be
the debate about reducing ‘greenhouse gas’ emissions if the BBC gave
wide coverage to quantitative data instead of just fretful emoting. A
simple table showing how our targeted reductions over the next few
years will be utterly dwarfed by China and India’s projected increases
in the same period – that would be interesting.
So for the British, an understanding of economic concepts is not
normally a part of their education; and thanks to the media, they are
also left blissfully ignorant of macroeconomic data on how our economy
and quality of life compares with other nations.
Does any of this matter? Certainly it is right to question, for
example, to what extent GDP per capita is really a measure of quality
of life. But to critique the standard tools of measurement of economic
development you first need to understand them and what they do and do
not signify. In media driven, post-Enlightenment Britain this is
apparently unnecessary. All you need to know is how you feel.
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