Dr Madsen Pirie

Dr Madsen Pirie is President of the Adam Smith Institute, and was one of three Scots graduates working in the US who founded the Institute in 1977. Before that, Madsen worked for the House of Representatives in Washington DC, and was Distinguished Visiting Professor Philosophy at Hillsdale College in Michigan.

At the Institute, Madsen was part of the influential team which pioneered privatization and the extension of market choices and incentives. His work in helping to develop the Citizen's Charter led to his appointment to the Prime Minister's Advisory Panel from 1991-95.

A graduate of the universities of Edinburgh, St Andrews and Cambridge, Madsen has authored several books including The Book of the Fallacy, Micropolitics, Privatization, How to Win Every Argument, 101 Great Philosophers, Blueprint for a Revolution, and Freedom 101. He also writes children's science fiction, and with his colleague Dr Eamonn Butler he has co- authored a series of books on IQ, including The Sherlock Holmes IQ Book.

The Institute itself remains at the forefront of a worldwide movement towards competitive free markets and free trade. Madsen's personal website is http://madsen-pirie.com/.

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Deborah Orr asks a fascinating question

I do think this is a fascinating question. One that rather perks me up and has me asking "Yes? So why don't people think this way?"

Can you be on the left and also believe that the state really does have to be much more lean and much more efficient?

Why is it that it's people like us, people defined as being upon the right, who are always going on about the efficiency of the State in doing things? That it actually ought to be efficient at the things that it does?

Surely, if you were (in this left right political sense) of the left, if you wanted to argue for greater State involvement, you would be arguing even more strongly than we do that the State must be lean and efficient in what it does? You might well think that it should be doing more things, but your insistence upon lean and meanness should be even greater than ours, no? You do, after all, want it to do more things from those limited resources available and you're also trying to argue that it's a great way to get things done.

But of course this isn't the way it generally works out. Those arguing in favour of State action rarely are those arguing that we should examine the efficiency with which the State does things.

I suspect a large part of this is that what is generally referred to as "the left" isn't actually anything either left or right. It's just the producer interest speaking, one of the more conservative forces known to man.

But there's also a chink in there, room for the argument that it is we classical liberals who are truly of the left, as we have been for centuries. Yes, absolutely, there are some things which must be done and things which can only be done by government: therefore government must do those things which must be and can only be done by government. But then end aim of all of this is to provide the average person, the working man, that Clapham Omnibus rider, with the best deal possible. Which means that the State must be efficient so as to extract as little as possible from the pockets of the populace to fund what it must do: leaving as much as possible to fructify and benefit us all.

Our concern for efficiency is exactly and precisely because we're on the side of the people, not the producers like the conservatives of the so-called left.

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ASI at the Conservative Party Conference

We've got a host of great fringe events organized for the Conservative Party Conference this year. I feel a little selfish – I didn't organize them, but the line-up of topics and speakers is pretty much a dream team. Come along to as many as you can: you can watch dull speeches by politicians at home, but you can't find a panel on booze, drugs and tobacco that features Chris Snowdon, Alex Massie and Dan Hamilton anywhere else. The other events – which include speakers like Allister Heath, John Redwood and Steve Baker – will be superb as well. You don't need a Conference pass for any of the events, but do RSVP if you can so we can put out enough refreshments.

If you're around on Sunday night, come along to our Liberty Drinks at 7:30pm at Bar 38 (Peter St, Manchester).  That's just outside the cordon, so even if you're not going to the Conference you should come along for a pint. I know better than to give out my phone number on the internet, but if you need directions or have any questions you can tweet me throughout the Conference at @S8mB or you can email Sally at sally@old.adamsmith.org.

Here are the details for all the events:

 

  The Individual v The State - The battle for lifestyle freedom

 Panelists:

Philip Davies MP 
Daniel Hamilton, Director – Big Brother Watch 
Alex Massie, freelance journalist – Spectator blogger
Chris Snowdon, author – Velvet Glove, Iron Fist

Date: 2nd October 2011
Time: 5.00pm to 7.00pm
Location: Radisson Edwardian, Stanley / Livingstone Suite, 38-40 Peter Street, Manchester, M2 5GP (outside the security zone)
RSVP: sally@old.adamsmith.org 
Food and drinks will be provided

After the event we have also reserved an area at Bar 38 on Peter Street for 'Liberty Drinks' in association with the Taxpayers' Alliance and Big Brother Watch from 7.30pm. 


  Wealth Creation & The Coalition: An agenda for growth

Panelists:

David Gauke MP 
John Redwood MP 
Allister Heath - Editor, City AM
Freddie Cohen - Assistant Chief Minister, Jersey

Date: 3rd October 2011
Time: 12.30pm to 2pm
Location: Manchester Central Exchange 2 & 3
RSVP: sally@old.adamsmith.org 
Lunch will be provided


 Economic Growth & The Planning System

Panelists:

Bob Neill MP 
Steve Baker MP
Tim Smith, Partner, Planning & Environment, Berwin Leighton Paisner
Tom Clougherty, Executive Director, Adam Smith Institute

Date: 4th October 2011
Time: 8am to 9.30am
Location: Manchester Central 5
RSVP: sally@old.adamsmith.org

Breakfast will be provided

 

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Why inequality?

As we know our hunter gatherer forebears lived in rigorously egalitarian societies: some of our instincts even now are that we should similarly be living in such egalitarian manner. No one has much more than the other and peace and harmony should prevail. We do certainly know that excessive (a changeable measurement, to be sure) inequality can lead to great unhappiness in a society.

So, if this is so, how come the inegalitarian, unequal, societies, won out over those more equal?  No, not oppression, not the "capitalists", at least not according to these researchers:

Agent-based simulation results show that in constant environments, unequal access to resources can be demographically destabilizing, resulting in the outward migration and spread of such societies even when population size is relatively small. In variable environments, stratified societies spread more and are also better able to survive resource shortages by sequestering mortality in the lower classes.

That doesn't sound very fun (that "sequestering mortality" means the poor die) but what we seem to have here is Darwinian evolution of societies (no, please don't write in, this is an analogy, not a direct comparison). The environment is changeable and it appears that unequal societies are able to thrive in such changes, while the more equal ones are not.

I would go further than this research myself: no proof, just my own prejudices. Two things: firstly, it's necessary to move beyond the hunter gatherer technology before there are things with which it is possible to be unequal. Certainly inequality in the physical goods sense requires stationary and thus agricultural living.

The second is that those hunter gatherer societies are vehemently, violently egalitarian. Place can only be measured by positional goods thus there is always a battle for them, for status, for the prettiest woman and so on. So much so that, as Stephen Pinker points out, such societies are not just much more violent than our own, murder isn't just the most common cause of death for men, in some it is the majority cause of death.

In essence, I'd argue that this inequality is beneficial: we may have an inequality of physical goods but squabbling about keeping up with the Jones' stops us all from murdering each other over the zero sum game of who gets to be top dog.

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Picks of the week, 30th September 2011

The Brazilian advert that the Guardian wants to ban.

1. Is this the sanest man running for president? – Nice bio of Gary Johnson, former governor of New Mexico and the "other" libertarian running for the Republican nomination. Also: Comedy Central interviews Johnson, where he calls drug policy "a litmus test for having a brain". Dear Gary: please move to Britain.

2. Irish health minister examining a "sugar tax" – The Irish government has form in pioneering nannying laws that other governments adopt enthusiastically. I've written about this before. If these paternalists used their brains they might realize that a sugar tax isn't even an effective piece of statism (a tax on the fat themselves would be equally unjust but at least would be thought through properly).

3. Why Ron Paul is winning the GOP primary – The short version is "because he's the only guy with good ideas (except Gary Johnson)", but the whole piece is worth a read to see how non-libertarians view the rise and rise of Ron Paul.

4. The cuts are a convenient lie for the whole political class: City A.M. does the maths – City AM's brilliant new opinion page featured this piece by Julian Harris, which destroys the government's pretensions to being tough on spending.

5. Who would push the fat guy? – Apparently utilitarians are bad people, scoring relatively highly on tests for psychopathy and sociopathy. For what it's worth, I'm a utilitarian and I would push the fat guy – but only in a thought experiment. In the real world, limited knowledge requires that we respect private property rights as if they were natural rights in order to produce the best results in the long run. Even though I don't believe in natural rights, I think it's good if we act like they exist.

6. The folly of "Smart Growth" – Great study of the Portland, Oregon, "smart growth" strategy, and relevant as the government tries to reform the planning system. The takeaway is that even though planners might like high-density urban housing, most people prefer low-density suburban housing. Far too many discussions of planning ignore what should be central – where the people concerned actually want to live.

7. Unintended consequences of food aid – If you're give emergency aid, the simpler the better. Giving food instead of cash can disrupt local economies and accidentally make things even worse.

9. Ralph Nader's grand alliance – Who knew that Nader liked Ron Paul so much? "Do you read all these right-wing theoreticians? Almost every one of them warned about excessive corporate concentration. Hayek did, [Frank] Meyer did, even Adam Smith did in his own way." Hear, hear. If libertarians and sincere left-wingers could agree to disagree about redistribution, they'd find that they have an awful lot in common.

10. Bookbenchers: Steve Baker, MP – A short interview with Steve Baker about the books he's reading inadvertently turns into a short primer on the books everybody else should be reading too.

11. Time to think the unthinkable and start printing again – Ultra-establishment economist Martin Wolf argues for "debt monetization" (printing money to pay off government debts). If the Eskimos have 10 different words for snow, then Western governments have 10 different words for printing money.

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Another disaster waiting to happen

This morning’s City AM contained some admirably sound thinking on the European Commission’s proposal for a Europe-wide Financial Transaction Tax, which would involve imposing a minimum tax of 0.1 percent on bond trades and 0.01 percent on derivative trades.

First, Allister Heath in his daily editor’s letter:

There is of course no way that such sums [£40bn–£300bn] would ever be raised. Transactions would simply cease to happen. Tens of thousands of jobs would be lost overnight and the City of London would be destroyed. The tax would raise a couple of billion at most, while increasing volatility by forcing traders to concentrate on larger, less frequent trades.

Those deluded souls who believe they have discovered a new way of solving the world’s problems by taxing financial transactions will have achieved nothing other than crippling the economy. Why can’t the coalition simply come out and say this?

And then Neil Bentley in the paper’s excellent new comment section, The Forum:

A transactions tax would be easily circumvented by firms simply moving their trades out of the EU. This would, of course, hit the UK hardest because London is by far the largest financial market in the EU. Transactions would be pushed out to competitor jurisdictions, like New York, Singapore and Hong Kong, damaging the UK’s long-term competitiveness as a leading centre for financial services companies.

This is no idle threat – when an FTT was implemented in Sweden in the 1980s, share prices fell quickly and substantially, and half of all Swedish equity trading moved to London. The volume of bond trades fell by 85 per cent and futures trades by 98 per cent. As a result, the Swedish government eliminated the tax, trading volumes resumed, and Sweden is now one of the most vociferous opponents of the tax.

And remember:

The UK’s financial services industry accounts for around 10 per cent of total economic output, 11 per cent of the UK’s total income tax, and 15 per cent of corporation tax. Additional tax is also collected from more than 1m people who work in the industry through employer national insurance.

So – what we’ve got here is a plan for a tax that would cause severe damage to the most significant sector of our economy, which would not raise much money, and which would fail to reduce volatility. Sounds like a great idea, right?

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130 years of Ludwig von Mises

mises

Today is the 130th birthday of Ludwig von Mises. Mises was, in my opinion, the greatest economist of all time as the man who systematized the Austrian school of economics and developed some of its key insights.

His Theory of Money and Credit gives the first fully-fledged exposition of the Austrian Business Cycle theory, later refined and developed by FA Hayek; his article Economic Calculation in the Socialist Commonwealth and book Socialism make the defining argument against socialism based on the impossibility of calculating resource allocation without a functioning price system; his Epistemological Problems of Economics and Theory and History (a personal favourite) are broadsides against positivism and historicism in economics and the social sciences. His magnum opus, Human Action, gives the most comprehensive and persuasive defence of the free market that I am aware of. (Eamonn has written a great primer on Mises, which is available for free here.)

For me, Mises is the root of 20th Century libertarianism. Himself a product of the early Austrian economists Menger, Bohm-Bawerk and Weiser, Mises directly spawned the two great – and often conflicting – traditions of Austrian school thought, by converting a young FA Hayek to liberalism and hugely influencing Murray Rothbard. For all their disputes, both the Hayekian and Rothbardian traditions owe their roots to Mises. Both have produced some of the most important works of economics and the social sciences of the 20th Century, in the Misesian tradition. Ayn Rand usually made her economic arguments along Misesian lines. Mises has had an impact on politics as well: both Ron Paul and, closer to home, Steve Baker have cited Mises as key influences and promote his ideas where they are needed most.

Reading Mises at university changed my life, by convincing me of the need for truly laissez-faire capitalism without government control of the money supply or the economic autocracy of socialism. We stand on the brink of another crisis caused, yet again, by the government-induced bubbles that Mises identified. Mises never made his arguments in terms of natural rights or morality, but in much simpler terms. His message was that if you want peace, prosperity and happiness, people must be free.

Here's an extract from Mises on the economic foundations of freedom:

Unfortunately many of our contemporaries fail to realize what a radical change in the moral conditions of man the rise of statism, the substitution of government omnipotence for this market economy, is bound to bring about. They are deluded by the idea that there prevails a clear-cut dualism in the affairs of man, that there is on the one side a sphere of economic activities and on the other side a field of activities that are considered as noneconomic. Between these two fields there is, they think, no close connection. The freedom that socialism abolishes is "only" the economic freedom, while freedom in all other matters remains unimpaired.

However, these two spheres are not independent of each other as this doctrine assumes. Human beings do not float in ethereal regions. Everything that a man does must necessarily in some way or other affect the economic or material sphere and requires his power to interfere with this sphere. In order to subsist, he must toil and have the opportunity to deal with some material tangible goods.

The confusion manifests itself in the popular idea that what is going on in the market refers merely to the economic side of human life and action. But in fact the prices of the market reflect not only "material concerns"; like getting food, shelter, and other amenities; but no less those concerns which are commonly called spiritual or higher or nobler. The observance or nonobservance of religious commandments; to abstain from certain activities altogether or on specific days, to assist those in need, to build and to maintain houses of worship, and many others; is one of the factors that determines the supply of, and the demand for, various consumers' goods and thereby prices and the conduct of business.

The freedom that the market economy grants to the individual is not merely "economic" as distinguished from some other kind of freedom. It implies the freedom to determine also all those issues which are considered as moral, spiritual, and intellectual. . . .

What makes many people blind to the essential features of any socialist or totalitarian system is the illusion that this system will be operated precisely in the way which they themselves consider as desirable. In supporting socialism, they take it for granted that the "state" will always do what they themselves want it to do. They call only that brand of totalitarianism "true," "real," or "good" socialism the rulers of which comply with their own ideas. All other brands they decry as counterfeit. What they first of all expect from the dictator is that he will suppress all those ideas of which they themselves disapprove. In fact, all these supporters of socialism are, unbeknown to themselves, obsessed by the dictatorial or authoritarian complex. They want all opinions and plans with which they disagree to be crushed by violent action on the part of the government.

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More QE will give us stagflation

Have you noticed how more and more economists are joining the Austrian School? Or at least accepting an Austrian explanation of why we are in such a financial hole and what to do about it?

The latest is Andrew Sentance, A very grand economist, being a former member of the Bank of England's Monetary Policy Committee. In the Financial Times the other day, he was contemplating the prevailing wisdom that the Bank of England would and should stimulate the economy with a further round of Quantitating Easing (printing money to you and me).

But, he noted, previous stimulus packages in both the UK and US have not exactly had the desired effect. They have not boosted growth: rather, they have produced only increased inflation. More of the same policy, he concludes, is likely to produce more of the same – the old stagflation we remember from the 1970s.

So what is to be done? His answer seems to be the Austrian solution of grit your teeth and let the economy sort itself out. We must expect a period of low growth while things adjust – as the Austrians say, over-optimistic investments made in the boom years have to be liquidated and resources redirected to projects that make more more sense in more normal times. And we need to make that adjustment easier: Sentance talks about ensuring labour markets are flexible, not burdening business with excessive regulation, keeping taxes as low and as enterprise-friendly as we can. Not much sign of any of that, though.

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